Helen Zille (Photo: Christine Oelofse/Maroela Media)
Historically, liberalism took root in homogeneous societies. As those societies have become more diverse, liberal democracy has come under pressure and is often the first victim. Historians will one day ask this question: How did South Africa of all places follow an alternative route? And the answer will be, the Democratic Alliance.
So said Helen Zille, outgoing chairman of the party, in her opening speech to thousands of congress attendees on Saturday morning.
“The values that (the DA) stand for are much older (than us) and were not invented by us, but inherited. We simply took over the baton from those who fought for liberal democracy before us.”
We have already made incredible progress in this fight to promote liberal democracy, moreover on ground that was not fertile for it, said Zille.
“Historically, liberalism has taken root in homogenous societies. As those societies have become more diverse like many in our shrinking, interconnected world, liberal democracy has come under pressure and is often the first casualty.
“Identity politics is on the rise, ethno-populism thrives and the principle of individual freedom under the law begins to wither.”
Prof. André Duvenhage, political analyst, however believes that we live in a time of identity politics, where identity is growing all over the world.
“We see this in America, Europe and also South Africa. The election of 2024 clearly showed this. It is precisely the identities that pose a threat to the DA (because) their primary focus falls on the individual, and not the group.”
The DA itself is also aware of this threat and wants to counteract it.
“Hundreds of parties will appear on the ballot in the upcoming election – many will aim to use our diversity as a weapon, and divide us South Africans along racial lines. We reject that path. We are the party of inclusiveness, not division,” said Zille.
According to Duvenhage, there are three main identity groups that threaten DA support and success in particular.
“The first is an Afrikaner identity which (…) increasingly begins to define itself in cultural terms and is not automatically part of the DA. The DA and John Steenhuisen hurt that bridge with his handling of the foot-and-mouth epidemic.
“The second is the brown community and the development of a brown identity with their support from the PA. Both of these identities have already shown us in by-elections at the local level that they can draw certain votes to one side.
“The last is the most dangerous, namely (…) increasing cooperation between what can be described as Lesufi’s ANC together with parties such as the EFF and even the MKP. This combination is ultimately a restoration of the old ANC and a black liberation identity with a radical touch.”
According to Zille, it is precisely the latter that the DA is fighting to get out of power and keep, because in their history the DA has “already faced two powerful racial nationalist traditions”.
“We have overcome one at the end of the 21st century. We have prevented yet another from dominating the new landscape, as a powerful brake against the tendency in liberated countries for the liberators to become the oppressors.”
Moreover, the DA did it in an era where many parts of the world are withdrawing from liberal values at an alarming rate, Zille believes.
“And the moderate rules-based order itself is under threat. There is no shortage of parties in our country that want to pull us in that very direction.”
That is why the DA does not believe in a nation defined by race, but by principles including the rule of law, constitutional democracy, individual freedom, human rights and a market-based economy that creates opportunities for all.
However, these once uncontroversial principles are now under attack in South Africa, as in the rest of the world. This is where the DA stands as an exceptional outlier, Zille believes.
“Unbowed and unbowed in the face of a global liberal withdrawal we march forward.”
However, is this how South Africa looks and functions at grassroots level?
“Identity politics without a doubt plays a role in our politics. For example, the IVP and MK party work with a Zulu identity and the FF Plus primarily with an Afrikaner identity. This reality is definitely a threat to the DA. They will have to do more to accommodate cultural identity and language, especially in an environment that is more identity sensitive,” says Duvenhage.
According to Zille, the DA has succeeded in building one of the largest, proudest and most resilient movements in the world, in one of the most hostile environments imaginable for liberal politics.
“Now we are on our way to becoming the largest party in South Africa’s metros at the end of the year. From there we are moving towards the next milestone which is to become South Africa’s largest party in 2029.”
Duvenhage believes that of course many things can still happen in the coming months, especially given the fact that South Africa is busy with major political reconfigurations in many ways, but for the DA to make good on its claim to become the strongest party in South Africa, a few things must happen.
Among other things, the DA still has to break through the current ceiling of the mid-twenties, with the ANC dropping below 30% at the same time.
“For the DA to expand its support, it will have to find ways to pull together (the bridges of culture). I currently do not see clear answers to how they will accommodate their identity. It is therefore valid (for Afrikaner voters) to ask questions such as to what extent there is room for Afrikaans schools, Afrikaans universities and cultural identities on a broad level for the DA,” Duvenhage believes.
However, Zille suffices with the fact that the party must never stumble off course and remain true to their liberal-democratic identity.
“(The DA) must resist the temptation of race-based politics, whether from the far right or the woke-leftists, and building out the inclusive rational political center.”